Colonizing Our Future: TheCommercial Transformation Of America’s Schools*
John Dewey Memorial Lecture
Association for Supervisionand Curriculum Development Conference
New Orleans, Louisiana
By
Alex Molnar
Center for the Analysis of Commercialismin Education
School of Education
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
PO Box 413
Milwaukee WI 53201
414-229-2716
March 2000
CACE-00-01
Introduction: ThePropagandists
America’s schoolsare indeed haunted. The uneasy spirit of John Dewey, as Bill Doll suggests, in"Ghosts and the Curriculum" [1]wanders
the corridors of public education watching and waiting for his ideasto,
at long last, be made flesh in the daily life of schools. Doll dares
tohope that the second millennium will belong to Dewey. I do not share
Doll’soptimism. In my view, it is the spirits of Ivy Ledbetter Lee and
Edward Bernaysthat are more likely to be happily at home in America’s
schools and classroomsthis century than the spirit of John Dewey.
The
namesLee and Bernays may be unfamiliar to you. They are not discussed
in educationalhistory texts or curriculum guides, however, they are
well known to students ofbusiness administration as the fathers of
American public relations. A littlebit of historical background will
help explain the nature of their impact onschools and school curriculum.
Ivy
Lee, aformer newspaper reporter, made his mark early in the twentieth
century workingfor the Rockefellers. He rose to prominence on the heels
of a blood bath. OnApril 20, 1914, in Ludlow, Colorado, the state
militia opened fire on a tentcity of striking miners and their
families. Fifty-three people includingthirteen women and children were
killed in the massacre. The events in"bloody Ludlow" aroused widespread
public sympathy for the ColoradoFuel and Iron Company strikers and
provoked outrage at the mine owners, theRockefeller family. In response
to inflamed public opinion, the Rockefellershired Ivy Lee to change the
public perception of their mining operation andtheir family.
To
sellthe corporate story and discredit the strikers, Lee oversaw the
production ofso-called "fact sheets," recruited prominent people to
write widelycirculated letters in support of the mine owners, and
heavily publicized tripsto the Colorado mine site by John D.
Rockefeller, Jr. Mr. Lee’s efforts helpedcreate modern public relations
and did, in fact, to a large extent succeed inquelling public hostility
toward the mining company. Mr. Lee may have been paidwell for his
services but we can be fairly certain that whatever he was paid itwas
certainly a good deal less than it might have cost the Rockefeller’s
toraise wages, reduce the hours worked, or improve safety in the mines.
[2]
After
hissuccess in cleaning the stain of the Ludlow massacre off the
Rockefeller imageLee was kept on the family payroll to transform the
public view of John D.Rockefeller, Sr. In the early years of the
twentieth century Rockefeller Sr.’spredatory business practices earned
him a reputation as a callous villain.Wisconsin progressive Robert
LaFollette, for example, had called him "thegreatest criminal of the
age." To transform the public’s opinion of Mr.Rockefeller Lee saw to it
that Rockefeller’s philanthropy was prominentlyshowcased and that
newsreel footage showed him in appealing settings such ashanding out
Christmas presents, joking with newsmen, singing with his family,and
playing golf. By the time of John D. Rockefeller, Sr.’s death in 1937
histransformation from villain to civic benefactor in the public view
wasvirtually complete. Lee was without question a master of the art of
what hecalled "getting believed." [3]
A
keenawareness of the importance in a democratic society of
"gettingbelieved" animated the work of Edward Bernays. Bernays, whose
mother wasSigmund Freud’s sister and whose father was Freud’s wife’s
brother sought toharness social science research to the task he called
"the engineering ofconsent." During World War I he worked for the
Committee on PublicInformation helping the committee sell the Wilson
administrations war policies.After the war Bernays signed on as "public
relations counsel" to animpressive list of America’s most powerful
corporations. The American TobaccoCompany, for example, hired him to
increase cigarette smoking among women. Inorder to do so he persuaded
socialites to march down Fifth Avenue in the 1929New York City Easter
Parade proudly smoking cigarettes as "torches ofliberty" as a protest
against women’s inequality. [4]
In hiscareer as a private "public relations counsel," and in a series ofbooks such as Crystallizing Public Opinion, [5] Propaganda, [6] TheEngineering of Consent, [7] and Biographyof an Idea: Memoirs of Public Relations Counsel [8]
Bernays preached the gospel that public relations was essential ina
democracy and the social science knowledge was essential to public
relations.
Bernaysarticulated his views quite clearly in his 1928 book Propaganda. [9]
He begins the book by arguing that, "Theconscious and intelligent
manipulation of the organized habits and opinions ofthe masses is an
important element in democratic society. Those who manipulatethis
unseen mechanism of society constitute an invisible government which
isthe true ruling power of our country." [10]He
goes on to say that, "In theory, everybody buys the best and
cheapestcommodities offered him on the market. In practice, if everyone
when aroundpricing, and chemically testing before purchasing, the
dozens of soaps orfabrics or brands of bread which are for sale,
economic life would becomehopelessly jammed. To avoid such confusion,
society consents to have its choicenarrowed to ideas and objects
brought to its attention by propaganda of allkinds. There is,
consequently a vast and continuous effort going on to captureour minds
in the interest of some policy or commodity or idea." [11]
InBernays’
view democratic civic life was a marketplace every bit as much
aseconomic life. He took it as axiomatic that competing political
interests wouldseek to put their views before the public just as
competing economic interestswould seek to promote their products and
services. Bernays did not considerthis an evil process nor did he
regard propaganda as a dirty word. To him,propaganda was "a perfectly
legitimate form of human activity." [12]
He argued that, "Any society, whetherit be social, religious, or
political, which is possessed of certain beliefs,and sets out to make
them known, either by the spoken or written words, ispracticing
propaganda." [13] Propagandawas, as he saw it, essential to keep the wheels of politics and commerceturning while preserving social stability.
The
issue ofhow to have a democracy and at the same time restrain the mob
and maintainsocial stability has occupied American political theorists
throughout ourhistory. In his historical analysis Bernays expounded the
view that"economic power tends to draw after it political power...[and
that] theindustrial revolution shows how that power passed from the
king and thearistocracy to the bourgeoisie. Universal suffrage and
universal schoolingreinforced this tendency, and at last even the
bourgeoisie stood in fear of thecommon people. For the masses promised
to become king.
"To-day,however,
a reaction has set in. The minority has discovered a powerful help
ininfluencing majorities. It has been found possible so to mold the
mind of themasses that they will throw their newly gained strength in
the desireddirection." [14]
Bernayswould
have us believe that public relations and advertising are
progressivetools of democratic governance and the market economy. The
conflation of marketchoice and the democratic political process is,
however, problematic. Althoughthe advertising industry is very good at
promoting the consumption of goods andservices, at its heart it is
profoundly anti-democratic. A brief review of thehistorical development
of modern marketing and the tools deployed by marketersto promote their
client’s interests reveals the nature of the threat thatmodern mass
marketing poses to democratic political institutions in general
andpublic education in particular.
By
the endof the nineteenth century American business and industry was,
for the firsttime, able to produce more than American’s could consume.
This did not meanthat poverty had been abolished. It meant that more
goods and services wereavailable than American society as it was then
structured could consume. Theproblem facing the American economic
system was in large measure how to promoteand make possible mass
consumption without threatening the position of theexisting political
and economic elites.
As StuartEwen writes in Captains of Consciousness,
"It became a centralfunction of business to be able to define a social
order which would feed andadhere to the demands of the productive
process and at the same time absorb,neutralize and contain the
transitional impulses of a working class emergingfrom the unrequited
drudgery of nineteenth century industrialization." [15]
Education was central to this process. Itwas, however, education of a
very particular sort. Ewen quotes the Boston departmentstore merchant,
Edward Filene, to make the point. Filene argued that,"Mass production
demands the education of the masses." [16] And that in their education, "the masses must learn to behavelike human beings in a mass production world." [17]
According to Ewen, Filene wanted to build an industrial and
socialdemocracy based on what he termed "fact finding." To Filene
thismeant that modern education should focus on "the ‘facts’ about what
isbeing produced rather than questioning the social bases upon which
those factslay" [18] It should, perhaps, not besurprising that it was Filene who founded and initially directed ConsumersUnion, [19] an organization devoted toproviding the "facts" about products and services to America’sconsumers.
Theessentially
conservative character of Filene’s conception of education in
anindustrial democracy is suggested in Otis Pease’s study of the
development ofAmerican Advertising between 1920 ...1940. [20]In
discussing the consumer movement’s response to advertising Pease
maintainsthat "while the consumer movement was forced to attack
advertising on theissue of its literal truthfulness, the advertising
industry itself recognizedthat the question of literal truth or falsity
was largely irrelevant, since theappeal of the advertisement lay not in
the factual assertions of its contentsbut in the associations which it
set up in the mind of the reader. Thispsychological factor to a great
extent shifted the battle to a field where...the barrier between
literal truth and literal falsity was obscured andwhere, in
consequence, it lost much of its effectiveness. ...The practices ofthe
advertising men merely confirmed the suspicion that there existed in
theindustry no operating concept which would encourage the public to
exercise freeor rational judgements as consumers." [21]
One
mightadd to Pease’s comments the observation that a powerful privately
controlledinstitution that systematically sets out to undermine the
ability of people tomake rational judgements is inherently
anti-democratic because it subverts theintellectual qualities and
debases the civic relationships that make democraticlife imaginable.
What is, therefore, promoted to the detriment of genuinedemocratic
civic culture is mass consumerism in commerce and politics. AsStuart
and Elizabeth Ewen argue in Channels of Desire, which
waspublished during the military build-up of the Reagan
administration’s earlyyears, "The goal of the advertising industry is
to link the isolatedexperience of the spectator with the collectivized
impulses and priorities ofthe corporation. ...If economic consumerism tends to organizedisconnected individuals into coherent and predictable markets, it is political consumerism
that defines the current state of western democracy seekingto create a
vast patriotic unity ...a unity without solidarity." [22] In other words, a unity defined byconsumption rather than creation and participation.
In
thefalse or virtual unity of consumer culture, the individual is thus
more of amarketing icon than a social reality. Drawing on the work of
Elizabeth Hurlock,the Ewens argue that although market research
techniques "may be seen asways of trying to understand how ‘paralyze
the critical powers of an individualwith the result that he or she
follows the lead, whatever that lead may be,’fashion merchandisers
attempted to surround the actual sales process with anaura of
individuality." [23] For theEwens
the individual in contemporary American society lives "in a visualspace
consumed by the imagery of commerce, a society organized around
thepurchase....The ‘constant rapidity’ with which we are encouraged to
tire ofconsumable objects, of our elusive pleasures, is generalized as
an axiom forexistence. To buy is to succeed." [24]
What
thiscultural value might it portend for democratic institutions was
described by anadvertising executive writing anonymously in The Nation
over forty yearsago, "Social scientists in the past have paid attention
to the irrationalpatterns of human behavior because they wish to locate
their social origins andthus be able to suggest changes that would
result in more rational conduct.They now study irrationality ...and
other aspects of human behavior ...togather data that may be used by
salesmen to manipulate consumers." [25]
One outcome is no doubt the creation ofwhat David Riesman termed the
"lonely crowd" ¾ a crowd thatrepresents the negation of both the
individual genuine community. [26]
Members of Riesman’s lonely crowd define themselves by theirpossessions
and express their individuality by looking, smelling, and thinkinglike
everyone else.
Educativevs. Mis-Educative Experiences
The
viewsof Bernays are profoundly different from John Dewey’s conception
of science springingout of and inseparable from an engaged democratic
community built on rationalinteractions. Indeed, in every aspect
advertising ideology is the enemy ofDewey’s philosophy. There is no
room in the thinking and practice of Bernaysand his public relations
offspring for either Dewey’s conception of democracyor his conception
of an educative experience. Indeed, the edifice of Americanmass
marketing is built on what, in Experience and Education,
Deweytermed mis-educative experiences. Sophisticated marketing
techniques concealbut cannot alter the reality that the purpose of mass
marketing is tomanipulate the many for the benefit of the few. It is,
as Dewey characterizedtraditional education, imposition from above and
from the outside. [27]
Ifadvertising
is, as I believe, the twenty-four hour a day, seven day a week,three
hundred and sixty-five day a year curriculum of our culture
thenAmericans young and old are being relentlessly mis-educated and, as
aconsequence, our society is correspondingly less democratic.
In Experienceand Education
Dewey wrote, "Any experience is mis-educative that hasthe effect of
arresting or distorting the growth of further experience. Anexperience
may be such as to engender callousness; it may produce lack
ofsensitivity and of responsiveness. Then the possibilities of having
richerexperience in the future are restricted." [28]
He goes on to explain that mis-educative experiences can land aperson
in a rut and limit further experience. Moreover, although
mis-educativeexperiences may be pleasurable or exciting in the moment,
because they are notlinked cumulatively they simply dissipate energy.
Mis-educativeexperiences,
according to Dewey, "may be lively, vivid, and ‘interesting,’and yet
their disconnectedness may artificially generate
dispersive,disintegrated, centrifugal habits. The consequence of
formation of such habitsis the inability to control future experiences.
They are then taken, either byway of enjoyment or of discontent and
revolt, just as they come. Under suchcircumstances, it is idle to talk
of self-control." [29] In Dewey’s view,
"It may be a loss rather than a gain toescape from the control of
another person only to find one’s conduct dictatedby immediate whim and
caprice, that is, at the mercy of impulses into whoformation
intelligent judgement has not entered. A person whose conduct
iscontrolled in this way has at most only the illusion of freedom.
Actually he isdirected by forces over which he has no command." [30] Thus, he held that an "[o]veremphasis upon activity as anend, instead of upon intelligent activity, leads to identificationof freedom with immediate execution of impulses and desires." [31]
Modern mass advertising turns Dewey’sphilosophy inside out. In the name
of freedom and individuality, advertisingencourages individuals to give
in to their impulses so that they may becontrolled more easily by
others.
The
lastthing in the world that advertisers want is for a target audience
to have selfcontrol. For Dewey, in contrast, freedom is expressed
through the control ofimpulse in the service of intelligent purposes.
To his mind, "The onlyfreedom that is of enduring importance is freedom
of intelligence, that is tosay, freedom of observation and of judgement
exercised in behalf of purposesthat are intrinsically worth while." [32]
In Experienceand Education
Dewey described an educative experience as being part of acontinuity of
experiences that promote individual and community growth.Continuity of
experience is, as he saw it, necessary both to provide contextand
meaning to immediate experiences and to shape subsequent experiences in
theservice of individual purposes. In his words, "when and only whendevelopment in a particular line conduces to continuing growth does it answerto the criterion of education as growing." [33] To Dewey, "Every experience is a moving force. Its value canbe judged only on the ground of what it moves toward and into." [34]
Furthermore, he explained, "Noexperience is educative that does not
tend both to knowledge of more facts andentertaining of more ideas and
to a better, a more orderly, arrangement ofthem." [35]
Dewey’seducational
philosophy is rooted based in the belief that individuals areactive
members of real communities which shape and, in turn, are shaped
bythem. In his words, "Every genuine experience has an active side
whichchanges in some degree the objective experiences under which
experiences arehad." [36] In
contrast, advertisingdeploys a variety of non-rational appeals and
attempts to createpseudo-communities based on consumption or the
uncritical acceptance of aparticular policy or point of view.
Educativeexperiences
are the result of the interaction of the internal (or personal) andthe
external (or objective) in what Dewey termed a "situation." It iswithin
the "situation" that the continuity of experience is mademanifest, the
individual and community changed, and the avenues of futuregrowth
created. Through this process the individual advances in
knowledge,self-control, and freedom, and the democratic community is
progressivelyimproved. Dewey explained, what is "learned in the way of
knowledge andskill in one situation becomes an instrument of
understanding and dealingeffectively with the situations that follow.
The process goes on as long aslife and learning continue. ...A fully
integrated personality ...exists onlywhen successive experiences are
integrated with one another. It can be built uponly as a world of
related objects is constructed. Continuity and interactionin their
active union with each other provide the measure of the
educativesignificance and value of an experience." [37]
Where Dewey seeks the integrative experiences in the service ofthe
individual and the community, advertising seeks to destroy
continuity,fragment experience, and encourages us to give into our
irrational impulses forthe purpose of manipulating our behavior.
The
scopeof modern advertising is almost impossible to quantify. It might
well be easierto identify those areas where advertising is not present
(there won’t be many)than to document the volume of advertising
unleashed on the American public. In1994 Leslie Savan estimated that
television watching American’s see about onehundred commercials a day.
Add other commercial venues such as billboards,shopping cards, clothing
labels, and city buses, and the number of ads thatclamor for attention
form each American reaches 16,000 a day. [38]
One need only consider the explosive growth of web based marketingover
the past five years to realize that by now the number is likely to be
muchhigher. There is little doubt that contemporary Americans live in
anadvertising-saturated environment and lead what Savan termed
"sponsoredlives."
The
impactof advertising on our personal lives and our communal
relationships has beenexplored in a number of recent books such as Stiffed: The Betrayal of theAmerican Man, [39] Luxury Fever: Why MoneyFails to Satisfy in an Era of Excess, [40]Deadly Persuasion: Why Women and Girls Must Fight the Addictive Power ofAdvertising, [41] and The OverspentAmerican: Upscaling, Downshifting, and the New Consumer. [42] The nature and impact of marketing in schools has been taken up inGiving Kids the Business: The Commercialization of America’s Schools [43] and American Education and Corporations:The Free Market Goes to School. [44]Other recent books such as Harvesting Minds: How TV Commercials Control Kids,[45] and KinderCulture: The CorporateConstruction of Childhood [46] haveaddressed advertising’s impact on children.
If
themethods of modern mass marketing to adults threaten the happiness
ofindividuals and undermine the well being of our society, deploying
them againstchildren colonizes our future. No one can seriously suggest
that childrenrepresent the rational consumer of market ideology; that
is, children can in nosense be considered to have the same power,
information, and freedom thatadults are said to have to freely enter
into contracts for goods and services inthe idealized market place.
Advertising to children is then a kind of immoralwar on childhood,
waged for the profit of adults who should be childhood’sguardians.
Furthermore, when advertising is conducted in schools the immoralityis
compounded because the power of the state is twisted to the service
ofspecial interests, the ethical standing of educators compromised,
andorientation of the school shifted toward mis-educative experiences.
Schoolhouse Commercialism:Historical Background
Schoolhouse commercialism is not new. Itsdevelopment parallels that of
the public relations industry as a whole. Asearly as 1929, the National
Education Association’s Committee on Propaganda inthe Schools surveyed
school officials to determine what sponsored materials hadbeen received
and what policies or other mechanisms were in place to deal withthem.
The committee also conducted a review of state education
departments’laws or policies governing the use of such materials,
interview sessions withgroups of teachers, school visits, and an
examination of advertisements forsponsored materials.
In 1953, the Association for Supervisionand Curriculum Development
issued "Using Free Materials in theClassroom." In 1955, the American
Association of School Administrators followesuit with a similar
pamphlet, "Choosing Free Materials for Use in theSchools." Both
publications were written to assist teachers in the use ofsponsored
materials in their classrooms. Both guides warned teachers
againstuncritical acceptance of sponsored materials, but also
recommended that theynot reject such offerings outright.
In her1979 book Hucksters in the Classroom,
Sheila Harty described the resultsof four questions related to
teachers’ use of "industry [-sponsored]materials" in the 1976-77 annual
Membership Survey of the NationalEducation Association. The responses
of 1,250 teachers suggested thatapproximately half of U.S. teachers
used sponsored materials, and indicatedthat a wide variety of
commercial interests were represented, including banks,utilities,
manufacturers, and food processors.
Huckstersin the Classroom
included an examination of many sponsorededucational materials, a
review of state education departments’ policies, asurvey of teachers,
and a review of advertisements for sponsored materialsappearing in
education-related publications. In addition to discussing theethical
dilemmas inherent in sponsored materials, Harty also described indetail
many examples showing bias, racial prejudice and sexism, inaccuracies,
andincomplete or outdated information.
ChannelOne,
the 12-minute current events program which carries two minutes
ofcommercials, was launched in 1990, and is widely considered the
bellwether ofthe recent expansion of commercial influences in the
schools. As such, it hasbeen the subject of several studies on the
extent of its use, its educationalefficacy, and the financial value of
the service and equipment provided.Critiques of Channel One’s content
include Fox, [47] Miller, [48] and Rank. [49]
"Channel One in the Public Schools:Widening the Gaps" found that showed
that schools with high concentrationsof poor students are almost twice
as likely to use Channel One as schools servingmore wealthy students. [50]
Greenberg andBrand found that students who watched Channel One were
more likely to expressmaterialist values such as "Money is everything,"
or "A nice caris more important than school." [51]
"CaptiveKids:
A Report on Commercial Pressures on Kids at School," produced
byConsumers Union Education Services in 1995, outlined various
commercializingactivities in schools. "Captive Kids" provided reviews
and ratings ofover 100 sponsored materials and contests and included a
listing of nationaleducation organizations and their positions on
school commercialism, andprovided a comparison of Channel One and CNN
classroom news programs.
The Growthof Schoolhouse Commercialism in the Nineties
For
thepast two years (1998 and 1999) I have conducted an annual analysis
ofadvertising trends in the schools by tracking the number of citations
relatingto each of seven areas of schoolhouse commercialism. In doing
my analyses I conductedsearches of four media databases, the popular
press, the business press, themarketing press, through Lexis-Nexis, and
the education press, throughEducation Index. Press citations were used
to attempt to understand the scopeand the development of marketing
activities directed at schools because primarydata are largely
unavailable. Firms engaged in school-based commercialactivities may, at
different times, have an interest in making exaggeratedclaims about the
number of children reached (in order to attract clients);remaining
silent (to shield market research and product introductioninformation
from competitors); or minimizing the size of their efforts (tolessen
the possibility of a negative public reaction). In addition, the
variedand particular purposes for which organizations gather data on
school-focusedcommercializing activities results in information that is
fragmentary and oftennot comparable, and, therefore, not reliable as a
basis for identifying overalltrends.
The sevenareas of schoolhouse commercialism I have identified are:
1) Sponsorshipof Programs and Activities.
Corporations paying for or subsidizing schoolevents and/or one-time
activities in return for the right to associate theirname with the
events and activities. This may also include school contests. Thenumber
of citations related to sponsorship of programs and activities
increased250% between 1990 and 1998-99.
2) ExclusiveAgreements.
Agreements between schools and corporations that givecorporations the
exclusive right to sell and promote their goods and/orservices in the
school or school district. In return the district or schoolreceives a
percentage of the profits derived from the arrangement.
Exclusiveagreements may also entail granting a corporation the right to
be the solesupplier of a product or service and thus associate its
products withactivities such as high school basketball programs. The
number of citationsrelated to exclusive agreements increased 1,668%
between 1990 and 1998-99.
3) IncentivePrograms.
Corporate programs that provide money, goods, or services to aschool or
school district when its students, parents, or staff engage in
aspecified activity, such as collecting particular product labels or
cashregister receipts from particular stores. The number of citations
related toincentive programs increased 83% between 1990 and 1998-99.
4) Appropriationof Space.
The allocation of school space such as scoreboards, rooftops,bulletin
boards, walls, and textbooks on which corporations may place
corporatelogos and/or advertising messages. The number of citations
related toappropriation of space increased 270% between 1990 and
1998-99.
5) SponsoredEducational Materials.
Materials supplied by corporations and/or tradeassociations that claim
to have an instructional content. The number ofcitations related to
sponsored educational materials increased 963% between1990 and 1998-99.
6) ElectronicMarketing.
The provision of electronic programming and/or equipment inreturn for
the right to advertise to students and/or their families andcommunity
members in school or when they contact the school or district.
Thenumber of citations related to electronic marketing increased 106%
between 1990and 1998-99.
7) Privatization.Management
of schools or school programs by private for-profit corporations
orother non-public entities. The number of citations related to
privatizationincreased 2,000% between 1990 and 1998-99.
Overall,
between1990 and 1999 the number of press citations related to
schoolhousecommercialism increased 303 percent. Between 1997-98 and
1998-99 the increasewas 11 percent. Graphs 1 and 2 and Figure 1
illustrate the overall trends inschoolhouse commercialism in the
nineties and the relative size of each area ofcommercialism tracked.
EthicalConflicts
Storiesdescribing
advertising activities in schools on occasion helped to highlightthe
inherent ethical conflict faced by educators who jump on the school
marketingbandwagon as well as the dangers that advertising poses to the
children intheir charge. Two types of schoolhouse commercialism,
exclusive soft drinkcontracts and sponsored educational materials, help
illustrate the ethicalproblems created as well as the mis-educative
character of advertising inschools.
ExclusiveSoft Drink Contracts
OnSeptember
23, 1998, John Bushey, the executive director of school leadershipfor
Colorado Springs School District 11, sent a memo to district
principals.Normally, a memo from a school administrator’s office
outlining expectationsfor the coming year would not merit press
attention. John Bushey’s memo,however, attracted the attention of the Denver Post, [52] Harper’s Magazine, [53] the Washington Post, [54]and the New York Times. [55]
Mr.Bushey, who oversees Colorado Springs’ exclusive contract with
Coca-Cola, isthe district’s self-proclaimed "Coke Dude." In his memo
Mr. Busheypointed out that District 11 students needed to consume
70,000 cases of Cokeproducts if the district was to receive the full
financial benefit of itsexclusive sales agreement with the company. In
order to better promote theconsumption of Coke products, Mr. Bushey
offered school principals tips suchas: "Allow students to purchase and
consume vended products throughout theday," and, "Locate machines where
they are accessible to the studentsall day." He also offered to provide
their schools with additionalelectrical outlets if necessary and
enclosed a list of Coke products and acalendar of promotional events
intended to help advertise them.
Mr.Bushey’s
zeal may in part be explained by his tardy realization that
thedistrict’s exclusive agreement with Coke counted only vending
machine salestoward the system’s annual quota; Coca-Cola products sold
at cafeteriafountains wouldn’t count. In March 1999, Mr. Bushey told
the Washington Postthat the district might not meet its contractual goals. In May he told the NewYork Times, "Quite honestly, they were smarter than us."
One of themost often expressed concerns is the negative health impact of consuming largeamounts of soft drinks. The Washington Post
reports that, according tothe Beverage Marketing Corporation, annual
consumption per capita of soda hasincreased from 22.4 gallons in 1970
to 56.1 gallons in 1998. [56] The Center
for Science in the Public Interest found that a quarterof the teenage
boys who drink soda drink more than two 12-ounce cans per dayand five
percent drink more than 5 cans. Girls, although they drink about athird
less than boys, face potentially more serious health consequences.
Withsoda pushing milk out of their diets, an increasing number of girls
may becandidates for osteoporosis. [57]
Withchildhood obesity rates soaring (up 100% in twenty years), William
Dietz,director of the division of nutrition at the U.S. Centers for
Disease Control andPrevention (CDC) suggests that, "If the schools must
have vendingmachines, they should concentrate on healthy choices like
bottled water." [58] Richard Troiano, a
National CancerInstitute senior scientist, says the data on soda
consumption suggest thatthere may be link between childhood obesity and
soda consumption. According toTroiano, overweight kids tended to take
in more calories from soda than kidswho were not overweight. [59]
The
UnitedStates Department of Agriculture (USDA) classifies soft drinks as
a "foodof minimal nutritional value" and prohibits their sale during
lunchperiods. In 1995 the USDA issued model regulations aimed at
elementary schoolsthat would bar soft drinks (and other non-nutritive
foods) from school groundsentirely from the start of classes until the
end of the lunch period. Secondaryschools, the agency pointed out, have
the authority to completely ban the saleof foods of minimal nutritional
value. Guidelines similar to those proposed bythe USDA have been
adopted in Kentucky and Florida. [60]
Not
allschool districts and administrators share Colorado Springs’ devotion
toexclusive agreements. Middleton and Swansea, Mass., have, for
example, turneddown contracts with soft drink bottlers. [61]Pat Ratesic, principal of Penn-Trafford High School in eastern Pennsylvania,told the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette,
"I think we’re going to try andhold off on those kinds of things as
long as we can, as long as the budgetallows." However, he added, "Down
the road, who knows? Everythingseems to be going commercial nowadays.
Money talks, I guess." [62]
SponsoredEducational Materials
Sponsorededucational materials have been around much longer than exclusive soft drinkcontracts. The magazine Marketing Tools
has traced corporate sponsorededucational materials as far back as 1890
when a paint company developed ahandout on primary and secondary colors
intended to be distributed in schoolart classes. The handout also
contained a plug for the company’s products. [63]
Despite some occasionally harsh criticismsof the practice, over the
years sponsored educational materials have become astaple of marketers
who want to put a corporate message in the school. In its1995
publication Captive Kids, Consumers Union evaluated over 100 of
thesponsored materials provided by corporations, trade groups, and
others andfound the vast majority were highly commercial, educationally
trivial, or both.[64]
Producersof
sponsored materials include Enterprise for Education, Learning
Enrichment,Inc., Lifetime Learning Systems, The Mazer Corporation,
Modern EducationServices (formerly Modern Talking Picture Service), and
Scholastic, Inc.Together these firms claim to put their clients’
materials in the hands ofmillions of teachers, kindergarten through
college, a year. As an elementaryschool principal in Washington
commented to The New York Times, "Weget them every day."
According to Dominic Kinsley, president of LifetimeLearning, the number
of curriculum projects the firm worked on in 1997 was fourtimes greater
than a decade earlier. [65]
It
is nothard to find examples of sponsored educational materials. The
Life and HealthInsurance Foundation has a high school education
program; [66] Merrill Lynch offers "Money
Matters in the Millennium,"a "financial literacy" curriculum, and Young
Entrepreneur Kits toteach students how to start their own business; [67] and the Archery Manufacturers and Merchants Organization offersmiddle schools a kit called "Archery Alley." [68]
Lifetime Learning Systems developed the "Quality Comes InWriting"
program for the BIC pen company to promote "strong writingskills" in
fourth to sixth graders, [69]and MasterCard International wanted to help students learn money managementskills. [70]
The efforts by credit card companies toteach "money management skills"
illustrate the contradiction ofhaving self-interested corporations take
on the role of protecting childrenfrom their own advertising campaigns.
In 1999 the Consumer Federation ofAmerica released a study documenting
the severe pressure credit card debt isputting on students and
criticizing the marketing efforts of credit cardcompanies aimed at
college-age youths. Also in 1999, the American Associationof University
Women report "Gaining a Foothold" suggested that creditcard debt
presented an obstacle to pursuing or continuing a college education.It
is at least possible, therefore, that the most effective method of
promotinggood money management skills among young adults would be for
credit cardcompanies to stop the seductive advertising campaigns aimed
at college-ageyouths they currently fund.
When
andwhere so-called learning materials turn up is based on a corporate
need that usuallyhas nothing to do with curriculum improvement. To get
around this problem,companies frequently bill their creations as
"supplements" to theteachers’ regular lessons. They encourage teachers
to fit in some or all of thematerials whenever and wherever they can.
Some clever marketers try to makethis into a virtue by claiming that
the material is therefore controlled by theteacher, who can tailor it
to fit the school’s program. However, even a briefexamination of most
sponsored materials would prove to most people that it iscreated to
benefit its sponsor, not the teachers or the children.
Corporations try to put materials inschools for a number of reasons.
They may simply want to sell something to thekids. Companies that sell
snack food, candy, clothing, and personal careproducts are often in
this category. Other companies may want to develop aconsumer base for
their products down the line. These include computermanufacturers,
credit card companies, and even car manufacturers.
Since the marketing firms that createsponsored materials have to keep
their corporate customers satisfied, theirmaterial is judged, first and
foremost, by the extent to which it meets theobjectives of their
clients. The emphasis is not on providing the fullest and mostaccurate
presentation of information to students. The fundamental
differencebetween marketers and teachers distorts teaching as surely as
a funhouse mirrordistorts the image of anyone who looks into it. When
teachers use productsdeveloped by marketing firms, instead of lessons
taught to benefit students,the curriculum promotes the objectives of a
third party whose interests maywell conflict with those of the
children, their families, and the country.Bernays might approve. Dewey
would not.
If America’s capacity to renew itsdemocracy rests on an educated
citizenry making well-informed public policydecisions, every American
is poorly served when public schools turn theircurricula into an
educational flea market open to anyone who has the money to setup a
table. Yet that is precisely what the relentless assault on funding
forpublic education and repeated calls for "cooperation" with
thebusiness community are pushing schools to do.
What MakesSchools So Attractive to Advertisers?
Schools
areattractive venues for marketing activities for several reasons. The
UnitedStates and much of the rest of the industrial world are saturated
withadvertisements. By some estimates, the average American views a
full hour ofcommercials a day. [71]
In attempting toreach children with advertising messages, advertisers
must overcome advertising"clutter" to make their messages stand out.
Another major problem foradvertisers is that children, particularly
teenagers, represent a notoriouslyfragmented and thus difficult to
reach market. For example, television ads maybe a good way to reach the
over-50 crowd — they watch an average of 5.5 hoursof television a day.
In contrast, children between the ages of 12-18, accordingto the "Teen
Fact Book" put out by Channel One, watch television only3.1 hours per
day. [72] Advertising inschools
can help solve the difficulties presented by clutter and
fragmentation.Schools are one of advertising’s last frontiers. Apart
from places of worship,schools are perhaps the most uncluttered ad
environment in our society. And,since children are required to attend,
school-based ad campaigns play to acaptive audience.
The
driveto reach children is fueled by the prospect of an enormous
financial payoff.Although estimates of the size of the children’s
market vary, everyone agreesit is huge. By some estimates,
elementary-age children influence almost $15billion in annual spending.
[73] America’s approximately31 million teens spent $144 billion in 1998. [74]James U. McNeal, author of Kids As Consumers: A Handbook of Marketing toChildren,
says each year children in the United States spend $24 billion oftheir
own money and directly or indirectly influence $488 billion worth
ofpurchases. [75]
Accordingto the Channel One study "A Day in the Life of a Teen’s Appetite,"cited in the Chicago Sun-Times,
"Teens are veritable eatingmachines, generating more than 36 billion
eating and drinking occasions eachyear." This represents a rate of
consumption that, according to thereport, translates into $90 billion
in direct and indirect sales including $5.2billion on after-school
snacks, $12.7 billion in fast food restaurants, $1.8billion at
convenience and food stores and $1 billion on vending machines."The
whole vending thing is absolutely huge," commented Tim Nichols,Channel
One’s executive vice president for research. [76] In the words of James Twitchell, author of ADCULT USA,
foradvertisers, when it comes to schools, "It doesn’t get any better.
Thesepeople have not bought cars. They have not chosen the kind of
toothpaste theywill use. This audience is Valhalla. It’s the pot of
gold at the end of therainbow." [77] It is small wonder thatcommercializing activities in schools are proliferating so rapidly.
If
theadvertisers are in it for the money, so it seems are many schools.
One ofearliest "Corporate Partnership" programs in the country was
launchedby Colorado Springs District 11 in 1993 to raise money for
musical instruments,computers, and staff training. In 1996-97, the
program, coordinated by DDMarketing of Pueblo, Colo., raised $140,000
for the district by sellingadvertising space on the side of school
buses and in school hallways to 29companies. Asked whether Colorado
Springs had gone too far, June Million,director of public information
at the National Association of Elementary SchoolPrincipals commented,
"I think it’s going too far. But it’s difficult forme to point a finger
at schools and say that it’s wrong because they don’t havethe budgets."
[78] Christine Smith,director of
community partnerships and enterprise activity for the DenverPublic
Schools was more blunt, "I got tired of begging for money all thetime."
[79]
Thejustification
schools use for entering into marketing relationships withcorporations
is financial need, however, the monetary reward is often verymodest.
The San Antonio Express-News reports that school districts
inthe San Antonio area that had permitted advertising on their school
buses didnot realize the revenue they had anticipated. [80] Even $140,000 in advertising revenue isn’t very much. In adistrict the size of Colorado Springs 11 (32,000 students), [81]
it represents approximately $4.35 per student, hardly enough tomake a
dent in the $4.8 million District 11 announced it had to trim from
itsbudget in March of 1999. [82]
The Spreadof Schoolhouse Commercialism Outside of the United States
American-styleschoolhouse
marketing is spreading to the rest of the world. German schools
nowfeature ads from companies such as Coca-Cola, Columbia TriStar,
L’Oreal andothers. Spread Blue Media Group, which holds the largest
market share in Germanin-school advertising, is going after the $20
billion in purchasing power thatit estimates German students have. [83]Austria
made it easier to advertise in schools two years ago and theNetherlands
has allowed schoolhouse advertising for eight years, according tothe Christian Science Monitor. [84]
The (London)FinancialTimes
reported that a firm called Imagination for School Media
Marketingplanned to pay 300 secondary schools 5,000 pounds a year
(approximately $7,900 US)to put up advertising posters in school
hallways, gyms, and dining halls. [85] The Campbell’s Labels for Educationprogram, launched in 1973 in the U.S., [86]introduced
plans spread to Canada during the 1998-99 school year. To helplaunch
the program in Canada, Campbell’s sponsored "Campbell’s Race to
theFinish Line Contest." The Canadian school that submitted the most
labelswon a "digital multimedia production suite" or a
"schoolyardpalace." Beaverlodge Elementary School of Winnipeg,
Manitoba, won thecontest, turning in 27,999 labels — almost 100 labels
per student, [87] a lot of soup by
anyone’s standard. Also inCanada, Youth News Network (YNN), a daily 12
½-minute current events programwith commercials that was modeled on
Channel One, plans to debut in a few dozenschools in the fall of 1999. [88]
Primedia,Channel One’s corporate parent, announced a Latin American development programin 1998. [89] One of the most extremeexamples of school commercialism was reported by The Daily News
ofNew Plymouth, New Zealand. According to its June 18, 1999,
story, an Aucklandschool planned to sell naming rights to each of its
six classrooms for $3,000per year. For $15,000 a sponsor could buy the
rights to the school’s name, andall sponsors would be guaranteed
product exclusivity and advertising rights atschool events and in
school publications. [90]
Opposition to SchoolhouseCommercialism
In aSeptember 1997 Marketing Tools
article, Matthew Klein warnedadvertisers that as far as
school-based marketing programs go, "When acommunity feels a company
has overstepped its bounds ...no one is immune from thebacklash." He
went on to cite several examples: the backlash Campbell’sexperienced
for sponsoring a phony science lesson designed to demonstrate
thatCampbell’s Prego brand spaghetti sauce was thicker than its
competitor’s; theban on sponsored textbook covers in a Staten Island
school because of afather’s outrage when his daughter came home with a
temporary tattoo featuringa Calvin Klein logo; the reexamination of all
Seattle school districtadvertising as a result of efforts by the
district administration to solicitpaid advertising for its middle and
high schools.[91]
Mr.Klein’s
concerns may be well founded. Although the trend toward
increasedcommercialism in the schools shows no signs of abating, there
are indications thatconcern about commercializing schools is growing.
According to Anne Bryant,executive director of the National School
Boards Association, "This[commercialism] has become a very important
topic of conversation in manyschools, and we’re concerned about it. The
number of kids under 18 years oldand their purchasing power is
astronomical. Companies are going directly afterthat target market any
way they can." [92]
In 1998,for example, the Berkley, Calif., school board voted to ban advertisements inschools. [93]
Des Plaines, Ill., SchoolDistrict 62 decided against using Channel One
and announced plans to implementadvertising and sponsorship guidelines
modeled after those proposed by theNational Parent Teachers
Association. [94]Wisconsin State Representative Marlin Schneider proposed a total ban onadvertising in schools in 1997. [95]
Facedwith strong opposition from educators as well as corporations,
Schneider thenproposed a less expansive bill that would have barred
schools from signingexclusive agreements with soft drink bottlers. [96]
Although neither version of the 1997 bill was adopted, in 1999Schneider
introduced new legislation that would prohibit school boards
fromentering into exclusive advertising contracts or contracts
fortelecommunications goods or services that require students to be
exposed toadvertising. [97]
In
1999,California State Assemblywoman Kerry Mazzoni introduced two bills
on the topicof commercialism in schools. Assembly Bill 116, which was
signed into law thatSeptember, bans in textbooks any "materials,
including illustrations, thatprovide unnecessary exposure to a
commercial brand name, product, or corporateor company logo." Mazzoni’s
second bill (AB 117) would have prohibitedschool districts from
entering into exclusive contracts with beverage companiesor with
ad-bearing electronic services such as Channel One. AB 117 encountereda
great deal of industry opposition and was ultimately modified so as
torequire only that the contract be debated and entered into at a
noticed publichearing. The bill passed in its revised form in fall
1999. [98]
At
thefederal level, legislation was introduced in the House and Senate to
prohibitcompanies from using a legal loophole to distribute soft drinks
and othernon-nutritive snacks during school lunch periods. [99]
Oppositionto schoolhouse commercialism is not limited to the U.S. In May, MarketingWeek
reported that because of the explosion of marketing activity inBritish
schools, Great Britain’s Department of Education and the
NationalConsumer Council were meeting to discuss the issue of
advertising and corporatesponsorship. [100]
Quebec EducationMinister Francois Legault has prohibited school boards
in the province fromsigning contracts to broadcast Youth News Network
...a 12 ½-minute currentevents television program that contains
commercials. According to Legault, theprogram would constitute "without
a shadow of doubt commercialsolicitation that is contrary to the
mission of the school." [101] These
actions, and the Norwegian andSwedish bans on all advertising to
children under the age of 12, in or out ofschool, indicate what is
possible given the political will. [102]
Whetherthe
legislative initiatives over the last two years in Wisconsin and
Californiaare the start of a trend toward the regulation of
commercializing activities inschools remains to be seen.
Conclusion
Commercialactivities
now shape the structure of the school day, influence the content ofthe
school curriculum, and determine whether children have access to a
varietyof technologies. Moreover, it appears from a number of citations
that there isan emerging trend for marketers to attempt to bundle
together advertising andmarketing programs in schools across a variety
of media and thus gain adominant position in the schoolhouse market. A
leader in this trend isPrimedia, which owns Cover Concepts, Seventeen
magazine, and ChannelOne, among other media properties that have an
advertising impact on schoolsand classrooms. Seventeen and Cover
Concepts have, for example, launched acoordinated product sampling
campaign aimed at adolescent girls. [103] And Channel One has signed on as content provider for America OnLine’s teen web site. [104]
The
effortto more fully integrate the schoolhouse into corporate marketing
plans bysecuring control over as many school-based advertising media as
possible maywell be the trend to watch over the next decade. If so, we
can expect schoolsto serve as launch pads for marketing campaigns that
resemble high profilemovie releases complete with multiple tie-ins for
a variety of products andservices aimed at children and their families.
As
ameasure of how far short the professional education community is of
Dewey’sideals, it is telling that, despite the pervasiveness of
schoolhousecommercialism and its rapid growth in the nineties, the
education presshas had very little to say about the issue. At a time
when commercialism inschools and classrooms is increasing dramatically,
educators have been largelysilent or, worse, cheerleaders for the
trend. The failure of the educationcommunity to critically describe and
attempt to understand and assess theimpact of commercial activities on
the character and quality of schools andtheir programs is not worthy of
a profession that would lay claim to the legacyof John Dewey.
Endnotes
[1]
Doll, William E."Ghosts and the Curriculum." In Curriculum Visions,
edited by WilliamE. Doll and Noel Gough. New York: Peter Lang
Publishing, forthcoming.
[2]
George McGovern makes this point in aninterview with Bill Moyers in
"The Image Makers," A Walk Through the20th Century with Bill Moyers,
Corporation for Entertainment & Learning,1984. Distributed by PBS.
[3]
The overall discussion of Lee's work isdrawn from "The Image Makers," A
Walk Through the 20th Century withBill Moyers, Corporation for
Entertainment & Learning, 1984. Distributed byPBS.
[4] Russell Jacoby, The Last Intellectuals:American Culture in the Age of Academe, New York: The Noonday Press, 1989, p38.
[5] Edward L. Bernays, Crystallizing PublicOpinion, New York: Liveright Publishing Corporation, 1923.
[6] Edward L. Bernays, Propaganda, New York:Liveright Publishing Corporation, 1928
[7] Edward L. Bernays, ed., The Engineering ofConsent, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press 1955
[8] Edward L. Bernays, Biography of an Idea:Memoirs of Public Relations Counsel, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1965
[9] Bernays, Propaganda
[10] Bernays, Propaganda, p. 9
[11] Bernays, Propaganda, p. 11
[12] Bernays, Propaganda, p. 11
[13] Bernays, Propaganda, p. 11
[14] Bernays, Propaganda, p. 19
[15] Ewen,
Stuart, Captains of Consciousnes:Advertising and the Social Roots of
the Consumer Culture, New York:McGraw-Hill, 1977, p. 52
[16] Ewen, The Captains of Consciousness,p.54
[17] Ewen, The Captains of Consciousness, p54
[18] Ewen, The Captains of Consciousness, p.55
[19] Ewen, The Captains of Consciousness, p.97
[20] Pease,
Otis, The Responsibilities ofAmerican Advertising: Private Control and
Public Influence, 1920-1940, NewHaven: Yale University Press, 1958
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[22] Stuart
Ewen and Elizabeth Ewen, Channelsof Desire: Mass Images and the Shaping
of American Consciousness, New York:McGraw-Hill, 1982. P. 263 and p. 266
[23] Ewen and Ewen, Channels of Desire, p.229
[24] Ewen and Ewen, Channels of Desire, pp.74-75
[25] Vance Packard, The Hidden Persuaders,New York: Pocket Books, 1963, p. 223
[26] David
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[27] John Dewey, Experience and Education,New York: Collier Books, 1965, p. 18.
[28] John Dewey, Experience and Education, p.25.
[29] John Dewey, Experience and Education, p.26
[30] John Dewey, Experience and Education, p.64-65
[31] John Dewey, Experience and Education, pp.68-69
[32] John Dewey, Experience and Education, p.61
[33] John Dewey, Experience and Education, p.36
[34] John Dewey, Experience and Education, p.39
[35] John Dewey, Experience and Education, p.82
[36] John Dewey, Experience and Education, p.39
[37] John Dewey, Experience and Education,pp. 44-45
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corporate press release,"Primedia's Seventeen Magazine and Channel One
Marketing Services LaunchNew Teen Sampling Program," Business Wire, 8
September 1998.
[104] Primedia
corporate press release,"Primedia's Channel One Inks Content Deal with
AOL; Channel One to BecomeAnchor Tenant on AOL Teen Channel," Business
Wire, 14 April 1999.